Russia had been forced into battle, he said, “so that there is no place in the world for executioners, punishers and Nazis.” Here again were the claims that Russia had sought “an honest dialogue” with the West, that “it was all in vain,” and that “NATO countries did not want to listen.” There were fresh shots at Washington: “The United States, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, began talking about its exclusivity, abasing not only the whole world but also its satellites, which have to pretend that they don’t see anything and obediently swallow it up.”Ībove all, Putin wallowed in his trademark mangling of the facts - some call it “misinformation,” but really these are outright fictions: The invasion was necessary because foreign “preparations were underway for another punitive operation in Donbas, the invasion of our historical lands, including Crimea.” Putin said the Ukrainian government had “announced the possible acquisition of nuclear weapons.” And on a day that exists to recall the victory over Nazi Germany, he made frequent (and false) references to the “Nazis” in Ukraine. In a sense it was an extension of the two Kremlin addresses Putin gave in late February on the eve of war. Putin’s Victory Day speech hammered at two main themes: a justification for the invasion of Ukraine, replete with grievances and false claims and the failure of NATO and the U.S. It is also possible that on a day that demands a certain degree of triumphalism, this was the best Putin could manage. Security concerns may have played a part in calling off the flyover after all, Russian generals, warships and tanks have been taken out at high rates - and recent strikes inside Russian territory may have given the Kremlin pause.
Was Putin trying to lower the temperature? Perhaps, although a Grid analysis of Russian media coverage of Victory Day showed no letup in the searing language used not only against the Ukrainians but NATO and the West as well. Bad weather, officials said, though the skies over Red Square looked clear. In the event, there was no declaration of a wider war - or any “war,” for that matter Putin continues to call his assault on Ukraine a “special military operation.” And beyond the rhetoric, without a war declaration there can be no mass mobilization of additional forces - something military experts have said repeatedly Putin will need to achieve his aims.Įven a planned flyover of military jets - which this year was to have included the so-called “Doomsday plane” that carries Russian officials in the event of a nuclear attack - was canceled. intelligence intercepts suggesting Putin was focused on May 9, as a date on which “he can show a victory.” It was a bombastic mix - of honoring past heroes, blasting new enemies and presenting a fervent defense of the current war.īut Victory Day, the 2022 edition, was just as interesting for what didn’t happen.įor weeks, experts and intelligence analysts - many of whom had nailed earlier forecasts about the war - predicted Putin would use the day to recalibrate his military plans, formally declare war and remind the world of the Russian nuclear arsenal.
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